I avoid political topics. I avoid them for two reasons. One, even under the best of circumstances political topics are like dry tinder that can easily inflame with the smallest spark, even if one did not intend a spark. Two, my view of political currents and political preferences are not relevant to the themes and messages I find valuable and which I want to promote.
However having made the above disclaimer, I am compelled to make a modest exception to the above restraints. The president made a statement a few days ago regarding individual achievement and the role of the government which I found not only obscene, both morally and intellectually, but which trivializes and subverts the very institution I have devoted thousands of hours to advance: the family. Not only did the president subvert the family but he subverted and derogated what, in its most noble incarnation, is the quintessential essence of being human: individual liberty, initiative, achievement and will.
I was thinking of these matters, including the relationship between free born individuals and the state, the massive Leviathan, and the forces that destroy the family and which undermine the noble potential of the individual when I found Charles Krauthammer’s article, “Did the State Make You Great?” Krauthammer’s subtitle is “Obama sees the ever-growing state as the ultimate expression of the collective.”
Krauthammer’s article articulates what I had been thinking more lucidly than I could have stated the thoughts. He sees issues a little more deeply than I thus far have been able to see them. This so-called ‘collectivist’ notion that Krauthammer attributes to the president is not a rigorous deeply reasoned philosophy that is intended to lead to virtue and individual nobility. The collectivist philosophy is pure thuggery.
By definition the successful tyrant must destroy the individual. Destroying the individual is not so easy in a democratic society, particularly one with the unique heritage, values and history bequeathed to the United States. The leader that does want to destroy individual liberty in the United States must therefore proceed cautiously and incrementally. That leader must use indirect deceitful rhetoric to disorient from the leader’s true intent. One strategy, rhetorically and politically, is to create resentment and anger in those that do not value individual liberty, personal responsibility and achievement and then direct that anger and resentment at those that do. It is the greatest shame and stain on this nation that this president advances this strategy.
I provide Krauthammer’s complete article. The article begins with this statement by the president.
“If you’ve got a business — you didn’t build that. Somebody else made that happen.”
— Barack Obama, Roanoke, Va., July 13
And who might that somebody else be? Government, says Obama. It built the roads you drive on. It provided the teacher who inspired you. It “created the Internet.” It represents the embodiment of “we’re in this together” social solidarity that, in Obama’s view, is the essential origin of individual and national achievement.
To say all individuals are embedded in and the product of society is banal. Obama rises above banality by means of fallacy: equating society with government, the collectivity with the state. Of course we are shaped by our milieu. But the most formative, most important influence on the individual is not government. It is civil society, those elements of the collectivity that lie outside government: family, neighborhood, church, Rotary club, PTA, the voluntary associations that Tocqueville understood to be the genius of America and source of its energy and freedom.
Moreover, the greatest threat to a robust, autonomous civil society is the ever-growing Leviathan state and those like Obama who see it as the ultimate expression of the collective.
Obama compounds the fallacy by declaring the state to be the font of entrepreneurial success. How so? It created the infrastructure — roads, bridges, schools, Internet — off which we all thrive.
Absurd. We don’t credit the Swiss postal service with the Special Theory of Relativity because it transmitted Einstein’s manuscript to the Annalen der Physik. Everyone drives the roads, goes to school, uses the mails. So did Steve Jobs. Yet only he conceived and built the Mac and the iPad.
Obama’s infrastructure argument is easily refuted by what is essentially a controlled social experiment. Roads and schools are the constant. What’s variable is the energy, enterprise, risk-taking, hard work, and genius of the individual. It is therefore precisely those individual characteristics, not the communal utilities, that account for the different outcomes.
The ultimate Obama fallacy, however, is the conceit that belief in the value of infrastructure — and willingness to invest in its creation and maintenance — is what divides liberals from conservatives.
More nonsense. Infrastructure is not a liberal idea, nor is it particularly new. The Via Appia was built 2,300 years ago. The Romans built aqueducts too. And sewers. Since forever, infrastructure has been consensually understood to be a core function of government.
The argument between Left and Right is about what you do beyond infrastructure. It’s about transfer payments and redistributionist taxation; about geometrically expanding entitlements; about tax breaks and subsidies to induce actions pleasing to central planners. It’s about free contraceptives for privileged students and welfare without work — the latest Obama entitlement-by-decree that would fatally undermine the great bipartisan welfarereform of 1996. It’s about endless government handouts that, ironically, are crowding out necessary spending on, yes, infrastructure.
What divides liberals and conservatives is not roads and bridges, but Julia’s world, an Obama-campaign creation that may be the most self-revealing parody of liberalism ever conceived. It’s a series of cartoon illustrations in which a fictional Julia is swaddled and subsidized throughout her life by an all-giving government of bottomless pockets and “Queen for a Day” magnanimity. At every stage, the state is there to provide — preschool classes and cut-rate college loans, birth control and maternity care, business loans and retirement. The only time she’s on her own is at her gravesite.
Julia’s world is totally atomized. It contains no friends, no community and, of course, no spouse. Who needs one? She’s married to the provider state.
Or to put it slightly differently, the “Life of Julia” represents the paradigmatic Obama political philosophy: citizen as orphan child. For the conservative, providing for every need is the duty that government owes to actual orphan children. Not to supposedly autonomous adults.
Beyond infrastructure, the conservative sees the proper role of government as providing not European-style universal entitlements but a firm safety net, meaning Julia-like treatment for those who really cannot make it on their own — those too young or too old, too mentally or physically impaired, to provide for themselves.
Limited government so conceived has two indispensable advantages. It avoids inexorable European-style national insolvency. And it avoids breeding debilitating individual dependency. It encourages and celebrates character, independence, energy, and hard work as the foundations of a free society and a thriving economy — precisely the virtues Obama discounts and devalues in his accounting of the wealth of nations.
No matter where you place yourself on the political spectrum, I challenge any reader to find a flaw in Krauthammer’s evaluation of the ‘collectivist’ mindset and the trashing of the individual advanced by the president. Write a comment if you think you can make such a case.